Abridged Version of What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?
1. What does the 4th of July mean to you? Explain.
2. What does the 4th of July mean to Fredrick Douglas?
3. What is the Fourth of July to the Slave?
4. Does this document change how you see the Fourth of July? Should we celebrate it differently? Explain.
Tuesday, March 6, 2018
Thursday, March 1, 2018
Background to the Development of Pro Slavery Ideology
1. Read the above link and list the three pillars that supported slavery in the eyes of Southerners.
2. Read this excerpt from John C. Calhoun's speech in 1837:
"...
However sound the great body of the non-slaveholding States are at present, in the course of a few years they will be succeeded by those who will have been taught to hate the people and institutions of nearly one-half of this Union, with a hatred more deadly than one hostile nation ever entertained towards another. It is easy to see the end. By the necessary course of events, if left to themselves, we must become, finally, two people. It is impossible under the deadly hatred which must spring up between the two great nations, if the present causes are permitted to operate unchecked, that we should continue under the same political system. The conflicting elements would burst the Union asunder, powerful as are the links which hold it together. Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union I openly proclaim it–and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both. It cannot be subverted without drenching the country in blood, and extirpating one or the other of the races. Be it good or bad, [slavery] has grown up with our society and institutions, and is so interwoven with them that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a people. But let me not be understood as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil:–far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of abolition. I appeal to facts. Never before has the black race of Central Africa, from the dawn of history to the present day, attained a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually.
In the meantime, the white or European race, has not degenerated. It has kept pace with its brethren in other sections of the Union where slavery does not exist. It is odious to make comparison; but I appeal to all sides whether the South is not equal in virtue, intelligence, patriotism, courage, disinterestedness, and all the high qualities which adorn our nature.
But I take higher ground. I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good–a positive good. I feel myself called upon to speak freely upon the subject where the honor and interests of those I represent are involved. I hold then, that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other. Broad and general as is this assertion, it is fully borne out by history. This is not the proper occasion, but, if it were, it would not be difficult to trace the various devices by which the wealth of all civilized communities has been so unequally divided, and to show by what means so small a share has been allotted to those by whose labor it was produced, and so large a share given to the non-producing classes. The devices are almost innumerable, from the brute force and gross superstition of ancient times, to the subtle and artful fiscal contrivances of modern. I might well challenge a comparison between them and the more direct, simple, and patriarchal mode by which the labor of the African race is, among us, commanded by the European. I may say with truth, that in few countries so much is left to the share of the laborer, and so little exacted from him, or where there is more kind attention paid to him in sickness or infirmities of age. Compare his condition with the tenants of the poor houses in the more civilized portions of Europe–look at the sick, and the old and infirm slave, on one hand, in the midst of his family and friends, under the kind superintending care of his master and mistress, and compare it with the forlorn and wretched condition of the pauper in the poorhouse. But I will not dwell on this aspect of the question; I turn to the political; and here I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions. It is useless to disguise the fact. There is and always has been in an advanced stage of wealth and civilization, a conflict between labor and capital. The condition of society in the South exempts us from the disorders and dangers resulting from this conflict; and which explains why it is that the political condition of the slaveholding States has been so much more stable and quiet than that of the North. . . . Surrounded as the slaveholding States are with such imminent perils, I rejoice to think that our means of defense are ample, if we shall prove to have the intelligence and spirit to see and apply them before it is too late. All we want is concert, to lay aside all party differences and unite with zeal and energy in repelling approaching dangers. Let there be concert of action, and we shall find ample means of security without resorting to secession or disunion. I speak with full knowledge and a thorough examination of the subject, and for one see my way clearly. . . . I dare not hope that anything I can say will arouse the South to a due sense of danger; I fear it is beyond the power of mortal voice to awaken it in time from the fatal security into which it has fallen."
3. What does Calhoun add to the above arguments you read about supporting slavery.
4. What do you think of his arguments?
1. Read the above link and list the three pillars that supported slavery in the eyes of Southerners.
2. Read this excerpt from John C. Calhoun's speech in 1837:
"...
However sound the great body of the non-slaveholding States are at present, in the course of a few years they will be succeeded by those who will have been taught to hate the people and institutions of nearly one-half of this Union, with a hatred more deadly than one hostile nation ever entertained towards another. It is easy to see the end. By the necessary course of events, if left to themselves, we must become, finally, two people. It is impossible under the deadly hatred which must spring up between the two great nations, if the present causes are permitted to operate unchecked, that we should continue under the same political system. The conflicting elements would burst the Union asunder, powerful as are the links which hold it together. Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union I openly proclaim it–and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both. It cannot be subverted without drenching the country in blood, and extirpating one or the other of the races. Be it good or bad, [slavery] has grown up with our society and institutions, and is so interwoven with them that to destroy it would be to destroy us as a people. But let me not be understood as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil:–far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of abolition. I appeal to facts. Never before has the black race of Central Africa, from the dawn of history to the present day, attained a condition so civilized and so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually.
In the meantime, the white or European race, has not degenerated. It has kept pace with its brethren in other sections of the Union where slavery does not exist. It is odious to make comparison; but I appeal to all sides whether the South is not equal in virtue, intelligence, patriotism, courage, disinterestedness, and all the high qualities which adorn our nature.
But I take higher ground. I hold that in the present state of civilization, where two races of different origin, and distinguished by color, and other physical differences, as well as intellectual, are brought together, the relation now existing in the slaveholding States between the two, is, instead of an evil, a good–a positive good. I feel myself called upon to speak freely upon the subject where the honor and interests of those I represent are involved. I hold then, that there never has yet existed a wealthy and civilized society in which one portion of the community did not, in point of fact, live on the labor of the other. Broad and general as is this assertion, it is fully borne out by history. This is not the proper occasion, but, if it were, it would not be difficult to trace the various devices by which the wealth of all civilized communities has been so unequally divided, and to show by what means so small a share has been allotted to those by whose labor it was produced, and so large a share given to the non-producing classes. The devices are almost innumerable, from the brute force and gross superstition of ancient times, to the subtle and artful fiscal contrivances of modern. I might well challenge a comparison between them and the more direct, simple, and patriarchal mode by which the labor of the African race is, among us, commanded by the European. I may say with truth, that in few countries so much is left to the share of the laborer, and so little exacted from him, or where there is more kind attention paid to him in sickness or infirmities of age. Compare his condition with the tenants of the poor houses in the more civilized portions of Europe–look at the sick, and the old and infirm slave, on one hand, in the midst of his family and friends, under the kind superintending care of his master and mistress, and compare it with the forlorn and wretched condition of the pauper in the poorhouse. But I will not dwell on this aspect of the question; I turn to the political; and here I fearlessly assert that the existing relation between the two races in the South, against which these blind fanatics are waging war, forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable political institutions. It is useless to disguise the fact. There is and always has been in an advanced stage of wealth and civilization, a conflict between labor and capital. The condition of society in the South exempts us from the disorders and dangers resulting from this conflict; and which explains why it is that the political condition of the slaveholding States has been so much more stable and quiet than that of the North. . . . Surrounded as the slaveholding States are with such imminent perils, I rejoice to think that our means of defense are ample, if we shall prove to have the intelligence and spirit to see and apply them before it is too late. All we want is concert, to lay aside all party differences and unite with zeal and energy in repelling approaching dangers. Let there be concert of action, and we shall find ample means of security without resorting to secession or disunion. I speak with full knowledge and a thorough examination of the subject, and for one see my way clearly. . . . I dare not hope that anything I can say will arouse the South to a due sense of danger; I fear it is beyond the power of mortal voice to awaken it in time from the fatal security into which it has fallen."
3. What does Calhoun add to the above arguments you read about supporting slavery.
4. What do you think of his arguments?
Wednesday, February 28, 2018
Quotes From the Founders on Slavery
Dr. Samuel Johnson: "“How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty from the drivers of Negroes?”
Letters of Thomas Jefferson
The Founding Fathers on Slavery
Should Washington and Jefferson's Status Come Down?
Read the above articles and answer the following questions
1. Why was it, in your opinion, that so many of our founding fathers - "the ones who yelped loudest for liberty - were also slave owners?
2. In Jefferson's letters, what kind of attitude does he hold toward blacks and the institution of slavery? Are these views compatible?
3. Based on these quotes, how do you square the fact that the founding fathers owned slaves with the words they spoke about the institution?
4. Do you believe that the founders should be honored for championing liberty based on what the BBC article points out?
5. Overall, what is your impression of our founding fathers and their relationship to slavery? What do you notice in all of your reading? Explain.
Letters of Thomas Jefferson
The Founding Fathers on Slavery
Should Washington and Jefferson's Status Come Down?
Read the above articles and answer the following questions
1. Why was it, in your opinion, that so many of our founding fathers - "the ones who yelped loudest for liberty - were also slave owners?
2. In Jefferson's letters, what kind of attitude does he hold toward blacks and the institution of slavery? Are these views compatible?
3. Based on these quotes, how do you square the fact that the founding fathers owned slaves with the words they spoke about the institution?
4. Do you believe that the founders should be honored for championing liberty based on what the BBC article points out?
5. Overall, what is your impression of our founding fathers and their relationship to slavery? What do you notice in all of your reading? Explain.
Monday, February 26, 2018
Slavery During the Revolution Due Wednesday
Answer the following questions and finish the video above.
- Why did George Washington change his mind and allow black soldiers to fight for the patriots?
- Why did many colonists want blacks to be allowed to fight?
- Why was seeing black soldiers fighting for the patriots disconcerting for many colonists?
- If they were a slave during the Revolution, for which side would they have fought?
- What happened to Titus during the Revolution?
- Was Colonel Tye a "good guy" or a "bad guy?"
- Do they sympathize with Colonel Tye?
- Do they think the system of slavery was wrong? Explain
- Do they think that Colonel Tye was justified in returning to his home to free his family and friends?
- Do they think it was acceptable for Titus to fight for the British? Why?
Sunday, February 11, 2018
Why Did America Adopt Race Based Slavery?
Why America Adopted Race Based Slavery
Read this paper - a series of excerpts from a book titled Strange New Land: Africans in Colonial America - and be prepared for a quiz tomorrow.
Read this paper - a series of excerpts from a book titled Strange New Land: Africans in Colonial America - and be prepared for a quiz tomorrow.
Monday, February 5, 2018
Is Race Real?
1. Is race real?
2. Which argument makes the most sense?
3. Why is it that race is such a complicated topic to discuss?
4. What are the dangers of each approach.
Thursday, February 1, 2018
Historical Guilt
Native Americans and Historical Guilt
Many of you have already seen this video, as I use it frequently to illustrate the concept of historical guilt. However, I think it is a great jumping off place for a discussion.
Watch the above documentary, and answer the following questions.
1. Where is the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation Located?
2. What are conditions on the Reservation like? Provide some examples.
3. What are the causes of the problems on the reservation?
4. What should be done? What, if any, responsibility to we as modern Americans bear, for the situation on Pine Ridge, and other Reservations like them. Explain
Many of you have already seen this video, as I use it frequently to illustrate the concept of historical guilt. However, I think it is a great jumping off place for a discussion.
Watch the above documentary, and answer the following questions.
1. Where is the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation Located?
2. What are conditions on the Reservation like? Provide some examples.
3. What are the causes of the problems on the reservation?
4. What should be done? What, if any, responsibility to we as modern Americans bear, for the situation on Pine Ridge, and other Reservations like them. Explain
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